"Northern Ireland has been the best training ground in peace support operations than any police force has had in the world,"
Superintendent Stuart Harrison, Terrorism 'expert' ... Terror war 'could last 50 years'
"Northern Ireland's population is approximately 55% Protestant and 45% Catholic, and the two communities place their emphases on different elements of the problem. Protestants are more likely to see the conflict in constitutional and security terms, and are primarily concerned about preserving the union with Britain and resisting the perceived threat of a united Ireland. Catholic views fall generally into two broad categories. Some perceive the issue as a nationalist struggle for self-determination, looking back to what they regard as the historical integrity of the island and the gerrymander of partition. Others approach it as a problem of corruption or unfair practices by successive Unionist governments between the 1920s and the 1970s which, if removed, would create a society in which both Catholics and Protestants could live peacefully together. These two categories are not discrete, and the balance between them has shifted back and forwards since the formation of the state."
What is the trouble anyway John Darby
Think UK Government would never
organise terror on it's own soil?
From a Peaceful street to a warzone...Thanks to the UK Government
British agent at heart of Omagh
19 August 2001 - Claims that the security forces knew of a Real IRA bomb 48 hours before the Omagh tragedy leave one question: why didn't they act? Is the answer that one of the bombers was a British double-agent?
By Neil Mackay
THEY call it baking a cake and for good reason. When the ingredients for a homemade republican car bomb are mixed, usually by a pair of skilled bomb-makers on the floor of shed at a secluded border farm in Ulster, it smells just like marzipan. When Kevin Fulton met up with his old mate Mike (not their real names) on August 13, 1998, he smelt the distinctive, sickly almond scent immediately. Fulton knew that Mike, who'd served with him in the IRA's Internal Security Unit otherwise known as the Torture Squad for its skill in hunting down and forcing Provo touts to confess to acting as informers for the British was back in the bomb-making game.
But Fulton was no ordinary terrorist. A former British soldier, he had specifically been infiltrated into the ranks of the IRA. An Irish Catholic, he had been recruited by the shadowy military intelligence squad, the Force Research Unit (FRU), while just an ordinary squaddie, and had been trained for undercover work. Within hours of meeting Mike, he claims he phoned his RUC handler and alerted them that a major bombing was in the offing. He'd given Mike's real name to the police and his car registration number. Two days later, while he was sunning himself in the Canary Islands on holiday, Fulton realised just what Mike had been planning to do with the bomb. By that time, the centre of the town of Omagh, in Co Tyrone, was lying in ruins, 29 people were dead and hundreds were injured.
How could the police have failed to act on the information he supplied and allow 29 people to die in the worst atrocity in the 30 years of the Troubles? At its heart lies the grotesque game of cat and mouse that is the intelligence war in Ulster, and a determination by the British security forces and intelligence agencies to protect their agents within the ranks of republican terrorism even if they are bombers and killers themselves.
The most shocking and terrible claim arising from the allegations of Fulton, which are now being investigated by Northern Ireland's police ombudsman Nuala O'Loan, is that one of the Real IRA's Omagh bombing team was either a British agent himself, or a police and army informer. Either way, so the conspiracy theory goes, he was a key source of information on the recently formed dissident terror group and had to be protected.
By August 1998, the Real IRA had suffered a series of embarrassing military failures and seen a number of its operations destroyed by security forces obviously working on leaks from within the organisation. The Real IRA was already looking for the tout and sooner or later the informer was going to be discovered and killed. But the Brits needed to keep this mystery figure alive, so they allowed a number of operations, in which he was involved, to go ahead.
Of course, it was not part of any plan by the RUC or the army that 29 people should die, but what they didn't bank on was a series of disastrous, and genuinely accidental, mistakes on the day of the bombing, which meant the Real IRA gave the RUC the wrong location for the Omagh bomb.
The terrorists should have told the police the bomb was in Market Street, but instead the police were told the device was by the Court House. Tragically, the RUC herded civilians into a position right beside the bomb many of those who died were crouching down by the very car containing the Real IRA's 700lb fertiliser bomb.
FRU officers have confirmed at least part of Fulton's story. He spent 13 years as an IRA man feeding information back to his handlers. Fulton admits that he and at least a dozen other similar army agents inside the IRA had to take part in terrorist activity, including bombings and shootings which injured and killed civilians and members of the security forces, in order to preserve their cover. FRU sources have also confirmed that British army agents, such as Fulton, did operate as active terrorists in order to maintain their cover.
In 1991, Brian Nelson, a UDA intelligence officer who worked as a double agent for the FRU, was sentenced to 10 years for a catalogue of crimes including conspiracy to murder. Nelson had been recruited in a similar way to Kevin Fulton. An Ulster Protestant and a member of the Black Watch Regiment, he was sent back to Belfast by his handlers and told to infiltrate the UDA.
As the Sunday Herald revealed last year, his handlers included the head of the FRU, Colonel Gordon Kerr, an Aberdonian and a former officer in the Gordon Highlanders. The FRU fed Nelson information on republican targets which he then used to plan assassinations. In other words, he helped the UDA do the British army's dirty work. Among the estimated 14 people who died as a result of this collusion was the Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane, who was gunned down in front of his wife and children.
During Fulton's first press interview, when he spoke to the Sunday Herald in January this year, he said: I can't reveal exactly what I did or didn't do. I will say that many people suffered. But I saved many lives as well.
Ironically, it now appears that one of the Omagh bombers was in the same position. The Real IRA launched an internal inquiry on Friday morning, within minutes of Nuala O'Loan's announcement that she was to investigate allegations that the RUC received Fulton's bomb warning.
The implication, therefore, is that the agent was allowed to complete the bombing mission to keep him alive. This would not have been the first time a republican bomb was allowed to go off just to keep an agent safe and in place. FRU sources have told the Sunday Herald that over the years they had prior knowledge of a number of devices, but let the bombs go off. In most cases, civilians were successfully evacuated after a coded warning was telephoned to police, but in some cases both security personnel and members of the public were killed.
There is no doubt that the RUC officer who took Fulton's warning logged it into the relevant intelligence computer. Fulton says that he has a tape of a conversation he had with his handler in which the police officer attached to the RUC's crack C16 unit confirms he received a warning from Fulton prior to the Omagh bomb. The information should have been forwarded to Sir Ronnie Flanagan, the RUC Chief Constable, MI5, MI6, the Gardai, army intelligence and the FRU.
Despite his claims, Fulton still has not been officially interviewed by the RUC over his tip-off back in August 1998. Michael Gallagher, whose son was killed in the Omagh bombing, says: These allegations are very serious and they cannot be left to hang in the air. The police are our insurance . Kevin Fulton suggests there were deficiencies in the system. If that is right, they must be highlighted.
On Wednesday, the third anniversary of the bombing, the RUC reiterated its claim that it had no prior knowledge or intelligence about the planned attack. Only one man, Colm Murphy, has ever been charged in connection with the ex plosion, despite a BBC Panorama programme naming four bombers. This has fuelled fears within the families of a cover-up.
Three months after the bombing, Detective Chief Superintendent Eric Anderson broke down at a press conference as he begged for help in finding the bombers. Fulton rang Anderson and arranged a meeting at Belfast's Europa Hotel. When they met, Anderson, who has since retired, gave Fulton the impression that he genuinely knew nothing about the warning that had been passed to the RUC 48 hours before the bomb went off.
At the time of the bombing the man allegedly in charge of the Real IRA was Mickey McKevitt, who is married to Bernadette Sands-McKevitt, the sister of the republican hunger-striker and martyr Bobby Sands. The Provos' former quarter-master left the IRA to set up the Real IRA in disgust at the Good Friday Agreement with a sizeable stockpile of the Provisionals' weaponry. Until his arrest in April this year in the Irish Republic, charged with directing terrorism, he was considered the one individual who could seriously undermine the peace process.
McKevitt was arrested after David Rupert, an agent for the FBI and MI5, infiltrated the Real IRA's leadership. Rupert will be the chief prosecution witness against McKevitt.
In the aftermath of the Omagh bombing, Sinn Fein's chief negotiator Martin McGuinness found himself in an increasingly powerful position. Sinn Fein had condemned the murders and the IRA had issued a series of threats against its dissident cousins the Reals. McGuinness was able to warn the British that if they would give republicans what they wanted over issues such as police reform, this would pull the rug from underneath the Real IRA as its support would wither away in the face of British compromise and a growing sense of a new-found statesmanship among the Sinn Fein leadership. To put it bluntly, Sinn Fein held all the cards and had the Brits on the back foot.
Today, however, with McKevitt behind bars and the Real IRA now more infamous for botching operations than claiming lives, Sinn Fein finds itself in a much less powerful negotiating position and that suits the British a lot better.
According to intelligence sources, the member of the Omagh bombing team who is also an informer is now in a fairly senior position in the Reals after the imprisonment of McKevitt. That, they say, may account for the Real IRA's surprising failure to claim any lives of late, despite being able to launch mainland spectaculars such as firing rockets at MI6's HQ in London and setting off car bombs in the capital, when the streets were crowded with late-night revellers.
The new worry now for the Real IRA and for the British government, RUC and the army is the decision by the families of the Omagh bombing victims to sue a number of Real IRA men allegedly linked to it. If they learn the identity of the Real IRA's double agent, as the ombudsman's inquiry rumbles on, the families could well add his name to the court papers too. That could bring the whole terrible truth about the dirty war in Ulster, and its awful consequences in Omagh, out into the open once and for all.
Willie Carlin, a former British army soldier who was sent by the FRU to join Sinn Fein and spy on Martin McGuinness and the IRA, is today a close friend of Fulton, who is currently in hiding after breaking his silence on Friday. I know Kevin's allegations are true, Carlin says. I've heard the tapes and I've spoken to Kevin. He's an honest man and that's what makes this whole tale so horrible and frightening from start to finish. Neil Makay
Blood is on the UK Governments hands
The transcript that proves police were warned of the bombers' plans
By Neil Mackay
THE tape suggests that the RUC were warned in advance of the Omagh bombing, by one of its most highly placed intelligence sources, that the atrocity was planned. On the tape an undercover British agent inside the IRA, who goes by the cover-name Kevin Fulton, is speaking to his RUC handler. It's recorded some time after the Omagh bombing of 1998 which killed 29 people. The Sunday Herald has chosen not to reveal the name of the officer for security reasons. However, he did work with the RUC's elite C-16 unit which targets terrorist racketeering. The conversation on the tape unfolds like this:
Kevin: Hello you boy ye' -- how you doin'?
Officer: Jesus [uses Kevin's real name], what about ye? They make small talk.
Kevin: Do you remember the stuff I gave you about [names one of the Omagh bombers]?
Officer: Oh yes, I do.
Kevin: Do you remember the night I phoned you about the jackets and stuff? [He is referring to bullet proof vests he supplied to republicans later linked to the Omagh bombing.]
Officer: I remember you phoning that night.
Kevin: See I'm gonna have to give this info ... The tape is then unintelligible.
Kevin: But do you remember the whole thing anyway?
Officer: We don't always put everything in [meaning the forwarding of intelligence to senior RUC and military personnel], but I do remember bits and pieces.
Kevin: Do you remember about the Omagh thing and me meeting [name of Omagh bomber] in Dundalk? Do you remember I told you something big was gonna happen because [name of Omagh bomber] was mixing a bomb?
Officer: I would need to check my exact notes.
Kevin: But you remember Omagh anyway?
Officer: Oh I definitely remember Omagh alright. I definitely remember the warning you gave me about Newry [referring to previous intelligence on republican operations Kevin passed to his handlers].
Kevin: Remember I saw [name of Omagh bomber] that night in the [name of a bar] in Dundalk and then later on I rang you and asked if you put that in?
Officer: I do remember something along those lines, but I would need to check my notes for the exact dates and times. I would need to check exactly what time you phoned.
Kevin: When will you be able to check?
Officer: I will be able to check this afternoon.
Kevin: Do you want me to ring you later on? They make small talk again briefly.
Officer: Give me until three o'clock because I will need to compile all the files.
Kevin: I need to be sure you put it in and I'm confident that you did.
Officer: Och, I'm sure I did.
Kevin: Well thanks then.
Officer: Well cheers, man. Speak to you later.
Neil Mackay - The Sunday Herald
more from Cryptome
Force Research Unit (FRU)
synonyms: Force Reaction Unit (FRU)
Force Research Unit (FRU) was a special unit of Military (Army) Intelligence that was probably set up during 1979. FRU was a highly secret unit which sought to identify and recruit members of Republican and Loyalist paramilitary groups who could be persuaded to work as double agents on behalf of Military Intelligence. The existence of FRU only became public when Brian Nelson, then a British Army agent and an Ulster Defence Association (UDA) intelligence officer, pleaded guilty on 22 January 1992 to conspiracy to murder. This plea prevented any cross-examination of Nelson. Nelson was believed to have been involved in at least 15 killings, 15 attempted killings, and 62 conspiracies to kill, during the two years that he was handled by FRU (Taylor, 2001; p.294). Republicans claimed that FRU was one of the agencies that had been involved in collusion with Loyalist paramilitaries. - cain.ulst.ac.uk
FRU were remnants of the DET [14th intelligence]
"The mind-set was one of 'the right people would be allowed to live and the wrong people should die'."
Nelson was later jailed for his terrorist crimes and was subsequently released. He is currently in hiding in Germany. At least two other Scottish FRU soldiers and a Scots RUC officer were also Nelson's handlers.
According to the FRU source, there was an unbroken chain of command running from the handlers, to Kerr, then through to the military top brass in Ulster, on to the Ministry of Defence Chiefs of Staff, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and finally the Prime Minister. At the time of Finucane's death George Younger was Secretary of State for Defence, Tom King was Ulster Secretary, Thatcher was Prime Minister and General Sir John Waters was the general officer commanding in Northern Ireland.
"It is rubbish to suggest that we were mavericks,"
the FRU source said.
"What was happening may have been occurring outside the law but the establishment knew what was happening."
Kerr was known for his "gung-ho" aggressive style of executing the war against terrorism. Kerr learned the ropes of counter-insurgency as a member of 14th Intelligence. Also known as the Det, this SAS-run unit, was, until the creation of the FRU, Ulster's main counter-intelligence squad. He was a senior instructor with the Special Intelligence Wing between 1985-1986 and then moved to Ulster as FRU chief.
"He had no moral qualms about anything that we were up to,"
the FRU source said.
"And he knew of every decision taken by his men.
"At the time I had no qualms either. We saw what was happening as a war and we were going to fight fire with fire. Kerr had one policy; in his own words it was: "You go in, and you go in heavy. Raise the temperature on the ground to boiling point and then reduce it fast. That means you hurt your enemy so hard that you reduce the risk of casualties on your side. Then you step back quickly. That means the enemy is constantly in a state of terror and panic. It's an old SAS tactic."
- Neil Mackay
"I am just disgusted by the lack of cooperation that we have had, from all levels. And I do not blame the ordinary foot soldier, nor do I blame the man on the police who actually we owe a debt to that day in Omagh. I'm asking from your position upwards, what is going on. Did MI6 allow it to go off? Was that bomb allowed to go off. You, sir, have said that we will never get those bombers. I have your statement made last year so, regarding that; that they will probably get off. What a defeatist attitude. What a defeatist attitude. I will tell you though, the action we are taking, we will win this. We will win this. And that's not emotional. That's tragic. " - Statement by Lawrence Rush, whose wife Libby was killed in the Omagh massacre.
New inquiry call as Omagh bombing conviction quashed
Murphy was jailed in 2002 at the Special Criminal Court for conspiring to cause the Real IRA explosion in August 1998.
His original trial found he had lent his mobile phone and another phone to the gang who planted the Omagh bomb, knowing it would be used for moving bombs.
But the three Appeal Court judges supported his defence team's claim that the conviction was unsafe and ordered a retrial.
Murphy, who was dressed in a crumpled zip-up jacket and checked shirt, showed no emotion as the verdict was delivered.
Mr Justice Nicholas Kearns, presiding, said the first ground to uphold the appeal was the Special Criminal Court's approach to the alteration of Garda interview notes and the evidence given by two Garda officers in the original trial, who were subsequently charged with perjury.
He said the second ground was the Special Criminal Court's invasion of Murphy's presumption of innocence by having regard to his previous convictions. He said all the other 43 grounds submitted by Murphy's lawyers had been rejected.
Senior counsel Michael O'Higgins, representing Murphy, applied for bail on his behalf, a move which was not opposed by the state.
Mr Justice Kearns imposed a requirement of a €50,000 cash deposit and two independent sureties of €35,000.
He also ordered that Murphy surrender his passport, report daily to Dundalk Garda station and provide the address at which he will be residing.
Mr O'Higgins said Murphy's personal circumstances had altered very radically since he was convicted in 2002.
"He was a builder then ... literally, in 24 hours his business ground to a halt. He was financially ruined by it," he said.
Mr O'Higgins said the state had opposed the granting of legal aid to Murphy during the 2002 trial and that as a result he would be considering bringing an application for costs against the state.
- Online IE
Undercover MI5 - secret wars and enforced warzones
Stakeknife -- Freddie Scappaticci -- was staying at his favourite Italian hotel yesterday after fleeing west Belfast amid threats from former IRA comrades. The final straw for the agent who bumped off IRA members while earning up to 80,000-a-year as a tout for the British Army came in a series of articles in The People and the publication of a book about his secret double life.
The MoD Special Forces Section commands secret operations of the British military, including the Joint Services Group, formerly known as the Force Research Unit (FRU), which runs undercover operations in Northern Ireland, and handler of Stakeknife. Kernohan determines how former secret agents are treated or mistreated by HMG. More on that murderous maltreatment:
Sinn Fein Bugged
The Text of Gerry Adams Letter
On September 13th, 2004, at a very sensitive time in the peace process, a sophisticated bugging device was found hidden in Sinn Féin offices in Connolly House, Belfast. This was the second device found in Belfast within ten days. Martin McGuinness and I returned the Connolly House device to the British Prime Minister Tony Blair during the peace talks in Leeds Castle, England.
When we were leaving that meeting I held on to a section of that device. Since then I have been in correspondence with various elements of the British system to establish who authorised this electronic surveillance operation. In January 2005 Eliza Manningham-Butler, head of MI5, admitted that MI5 bugged Connolly House.
This note is authentication by me that the section of the bugging device which it accompanies is part of the Connolly House device which was returned to Mr. Blair.
Army spy site warns of "unit's terror link"
Irish News, December 31, 2004 By Barry McCaffrey
The British army is investigating a potential security blunder after it emerged that an official website used to recruit undercover agents is now controlled by a disaffected agent.
The Irish News has learned that the Intelligence Corps site has been bought by former army agent Samuel Rosenfeld, after the site's ownership was inadvertently allowed to lapse over Christmas.
The website is used as one of the main sources for recruiting soldiers and civilians to work as intelligence officers and undercover army agents.
However, potential recruits emailing the site now receive replies alleging that sub-units of the corps have been responsible for the "direction of terrorism".
Successful recruits to the Intelligence Corps are often university graduates, who are then trained at the famous Sandhurst college in England before being posted as secret agents throughout the world.
Ironically, the site warns that successful applicants will be responsible for "the security of information, personnel and equipment".
Potential recruits are advised to contact the Intelligence Corps by phoning its headquarters at Chicksands in Bedford-shire or by email.
But when the Irish News emailed the official website last night, it received the following reply:
"Dear potential recruit, thank you very much for contacting the Intelligence-corps.co.uk website.
"Firstly please be advised that the site is no longer owned or operated by the Intelligence Corps but by myself, a former intelligence agent (FRU/JSG).
"Whilst I commend you for wishing to join the Intelligence Corps, I feel it is my duty to inform you that the corps, through its sub-units, have been responsible for the murder of innocent civilians and the direction of terrorism."
The email then highlights controversial incidents involving the Force Research Unit (FRU), including the murder of Pat Finucane and the Stakeknife affair.
When contacted last night, Mr Rosenfeld refused to confirm that he now owns the website.
However, a source close to the website confirmed that it is no longer controlled by the British army.
So far more than a dozen people have emailed the site wanting to become intelligence officers," the source claimed.
"We emailed them back telling them if they want to do something good for their country they should join the RSPCA or the Salvation Army rather than the Intelligence Corps.
"We are not saying every soldier in the Intelligence Corps is bad, but the fact that groups like the FRU are operating without ground rules means that innocent people are being killed.
Potential recruits need to know they are getting themselves involved in the murder of innocent people."
A Ministry of Defence spokesman last night said an investigation would be carried out.
The Scot behind Ulster's dirty war -
Elite unit passed intelligence to UDA death squads
IRA accused of stealing £22m in 'Northern Bank' robbery
The heist was carried out by the IRA even though the group has denied any involvement. It is believed they got away with in the region of 35 million in sterling -- up until now the authorities have said it was over 22 million, but they are still counting.
IRA army council member Brian Gillen took complete charge of the operation by unregistered mobile phone. Bobby Storey, the IRA's head of intelligence, provided all of the "inside information" alarm codes, etc.
The cash was driven to a premises on the Grosvenor Rd and placed into bread vans which were driven to Dundalk. One of the mobile phones used was recovered on Christmas Eve morning during a raid on the home of Eddie Copeland. The role played by Copeland remains unknown. Authorisation for the heist was given as far back as March when it was originally proposed. -
Police Botch up? How convenient....
Police deny 'bank robbery botch'
Police have denied they botched the operation over the robbery of £22m from a Belfast bank. It comes as the serial numbers of 150,000 £10 notes thought to be stolen were released. It has emerged police missed the robbers by a matter of minutes. Officers went to the area after reports of suspicious activity near the Northern Bank's headquarters on the night of the raid.
Monday's raid is thought to have been one of the biggest UK cash robberies. Police have urged other banking institutions, retailers and members of the public to look out for the suspected stolen new Northern Bank £10 notes.
The serial numbers run from BC8500001 to BC8550000, BC9100001 to BC9150000 and BC9350001 to BC9400000.
The IRA has denied involvement in the robbery, the BBC has learned. A senior republican dismissed "any suggestion or allegation that we were involved".
|Flashback - Omagh 1998
Omagh bomb conviction overturned
Dublin, Ireland, Jan. 21 (UPI)
A three-judge panel in Dublin's Criminal Court of Appeal granted a retrial on grounds that two detectives may have given perjured testimony in his original trial, the BBC reported.
In his original trial before a Special Criminal Court there was a question about alteration of interview notes and police testimony about them, the appeals judges said. They also said the trial court brought in Murphy's past criminal history, depriving him of the presumption of innocence, IrelandOn-line reported. -
Police received a telephone warning approximately 40 minutes before the blast.
But the location of the bomb was unclear and the wrong area was evacuated, with people being directed towards the danger zone. -
IRA says ceases armed activity
Thu Jul 28, 2005 6:04 PM BST By Jodie Ginsberg
DUBLIN (Reuters) - The Irish Republican Army formally ended its 30-year armed campaign against British rule in Northern Ireland on Thursday, in a potentially historic move that could take the gun out of Northern Irish politics for good. But, mindful of a string of previous broken IRA promises, politicians cautioned the pro-Irish members would need to match their words with action.
The IRA said in a statement it would cease all armed activity and pursue its aims through politics -- a crucial move to kick-start talks on a lasting political settlement in the violence-torn province. It said its units must "dump arms".
Some 3,600 people died during Northern Ireland's 30 years of "Troubles", half of them killed by the IRA.
"This may be the day which finally after all these false dawns and dashed hopes peace replaced war, politics replaces terror on the island of Ireland," Prime Minister Tony Blair told reporters in London.
"If the IRA's words are borne out by verifications, it will be a momentous and historic development," Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern said.
But others, including the United States and the province's main pro-British Protestant party, sounded a note of caution. "We understand that many, especially victims and their families, will be sceptical. They will want to be certain that this terrorism and criminality are indeed things of the past," White House spokesman Scott McClellan said.
The U.S. government helped to broker the 1998 Good Friday Agreement that helped to ensure paramilitary ceasefires were upheld in Northern Ireland.
The IRA arsenal, used to fight for a united Ireland until a 1997 ceasefire, has long been the main obstacle to a political deal. Criminality also moved up the agenda this year after a high-profile robbery and murder.
Although the bombings and shootings that marked the "Troubles" have largely ended, violence continues to dog the province through beatings carried out by paramilitary groups seeking to control their communities.
But the IRA made no explicit reference to crime nor did it promise to disband, a move it sees as akin to surrender.
The IRA statement read in part:
"The leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann (IRA) has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. "This will take effect from 4 p.m. this afternoon. All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means."
The IRA said it would engage with an independent arms decommissioning body to verify it had put its massive arsenal of guns and explosives beyond use, but gave no date for completion.
Its main Protestant opponents, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), said this lack of transparency did not inspire confidence. "They have failed to explicitly declare an end to their multi-million-pound criminal activity and have failed to provide the level of transparency that would be necessary to truly build confidence that the guns had gone in their entirety," it said.
Northern Ireland Minister Peter Hain said the British and Irish governments had asked the province's ceasefire watchdog to produce a report in January so progress could be assessed. And he said the sides now needed to concentrate on getting agreement on policing. The IRA's historic mistrust of the mainly Protestant police force has always been used to justify its armed presence in its Catholic strongholds and Sinn Fein has so far refused to take seats on the province's policing board. Talks on reviving an assembly, set up under the Good Friday agreement for Catholics and Protestants to run the province's affairs together, broke down in December after the DUP demanded photos of arms being destroyed. The IRA refused "humiliation".
But pressure on the outlawed group has mounted since then.
Political ally Sinn Fein called in April for the guerrillas to end armed struggle after crimes blamed on the IRA fanned calls for it to disband and sparked harsh censure of Sinn Fein from traditional supporters, notably in the United States. Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams said the statement meant the British and Irish governments now had no excuse not to re-establish the power-sharing government in Northern Ireland.
"Republicans should not be surprised that our opponents will continue to try to defeat us," he told a briefing. "And in the short-term initiatives by the IRA are unlikely to change the attitude of those who oppose us whether in London or Dublin or within unionism. We can expect this to continue until we succeed in our endeavours." - Reuters
Sept 2005 - Riots in Belfast
More spookish activity
I Was a British Spy for 20 Years
Report by Fintan Dunne
A former senior administrator of Northern Ireland's nationalist Sinn Fein party, Denis Donaldson, has admitted on Irish television that he has been a British spy working with the Police Service of Northern Ireland's Special Branch for the last twenty years. The president of the party, Gerry Adams said today that Donaldson has now been expelled from the party.
There is some speculation that Donaldson was sacrificed to protect an even higher-placed spy. Buth other comment says that Britain could simply no longer keep a lid on the issue. Murky waters indeed. [Report & Video follows]
In October 2002, amid allegations of 'dirty tricks' leading to the collapse of Northern Ireland's power sharing exexutive, Mr Donaldson and two others were arrested on suspicion of spying for Sinn Fein in the Stormont parliament buildings. However, just eight days ago, the charges against the three were dropped because it was deemed "not in the public interest". Now it seems Donaldson was spying against Sinn Fein --not for them.
'Stormontgate' caused the collapse of the putative government of Northern Ireland which had been negociated as part of the Irish Peace Process overseen by the Clinton Administration. At the time in 2002, Sinn Fein claimed the spying arrests had been orchestrated by 'securocrats' in Northern Ireland and British Intelligence to demonize the party and scupper the Peace Process.
Then, almost exactly a year ago today, over 25 million ($30m) was stolen in a raid at a bank's headquarters in Belfast, with the Chief Constable Hugh Orde claiming that the IRA was responsible. Subsequent police arrests in Ireland heaped further blame of Sinn Fein --the political wing of the now disarmed IRA.
There were further claims that the robbery was designed to fund the political operations of Sinn Fein. Current events, will increase suspicions that the robbery and claims were yet another 'dirty tricks' operation by the same British Intelligence/PSNI Special Branch elements.
Finally, in recent days in the Irish Republic, the Justice Minister leaked claims to an Irish newspaper that a journalist who has previously exposed corruption in the ruling Fianna Fail party had travelled to Columbia on a false passport as part of an operation to exchange terrorism know-how of the IRA for drug money to fund political activities in Ireland. Once again, these allegations seem to be politically motivated.
There are now certainly grounds to suspect that there is a concerted and covert 'securocracy' effort to stall the Northern Irish Peace Process; and that elements in Southern Ireland, worried about 'peace dividend' political benefits accruing to Sinn Fein from that process --to the detriment of existing political parties, are trying to make political capital on the back of such 'dirty tricks'.
More spookish activity
|MI5 tried to set up bombing: McGuinness
16/02/2006 - A member of MI5 tried to coax loyalists into launching a bomb attack on Martin McGuinness's home, he alleged today.
As the British government prepared to publish legislation enabling the transfer of policing and justice powers to a future devolved administration at Stormont, Sinn Féin's chief negotiator any lead role it may give to MI5 in running informers and agents in the North.
He also claimed a considerable amount of work on policing and justice would still have to be done before his party could participate on bodies designed to hold the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) to account.
Mr McGuinness said: "We are totally opposed to any MI5 role in intelligence-gathering, let alone giving it the lead role. "In the circumstances of restored political institutions, we believe it should be the responsibility of the government in the North to deal with all of these matters. "Anyone who knows anything about the history of MI5 knows it has played a very negative role in events in the North over the past 25 years. "Indeed I was informed at one stage that a member of MI5 tried to encourage a leading loyalist paramilitary to throw 30lb of gelignite through the window of a house I was living in in Derry. "The experience of MI5 among republicans has been very bad and I have to say anyone who thinks it is acceptable for MI5 to have a role in intelligence-gathering is living in cloud cuckoo land."
MI5 is expected to take over the primary responsibility from the Police Service of Northern Ireland for running agents and informers in the North in late 2007. In preparation for its role, the organisation is believed to be preparing to move to a new base in at Palace Barracks in Holywood, Co Down.
The proposal has, however, been criticised by SDLP leader Mark Durkan who warned British Prime Minister Tony Blair at a meeting in London yesterday that his party would oppose any role for MI5 because it will be unaccountable to the Policing Board or an executive at Stormont.
PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde has, however, defended the move, calling it a healthy split in responsibilities.
With Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain due to announce a new look Policing Board in April, there has also been considerable interest in whether Sinn Féin will take up the seats it has so far refused.
Republicans will not participate in the board because they argue police reforms have not gone far enough despite their endorsement by the Catholic Church, the Irish and US Governments and the SDLP. They have also accused elements within the PSNI of authorising and mounting politically-motivated policing operations against republicans.
Sinn Féin has long argued for legislation committing the British government to the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont.
However as his party prepared to debate 37 motions on policing and justice affecting members on both sides of the border at its annual conference in Dublin this weekend, Mr McGuinness said there was still considerable work to be done.
"In the negotiations that took place in December 2004 Sinn Féin outlined what was required," he said. "In the course of the coming days we are going to see the enabling legislation made public. That will have to be examined very carefully to see if it meets the needs of our constituents. "So there's still quite a lot of work to do. The publication of the enabling legislation on its own is not going to be enough to resolve differences."There will also have to be crucial discussions between the Democratic Unionist Party, Sinn Féin and others about how we deal with policing and justice in the context of a restored Assembly. "There are a lot of ideas circulating as to how a department would work and how it would fit into the 10 ministries. We have our own ideas but we want to hear what the DUP and others have to say." - IOL
FBI infiltrated IRA
MI5 withheld intelligence ahead of Omagh
24 February 2006
The British security service, MI5, withheld vital anti-terrorism intelligence just months before the Omagh bombing in 1998, it has emerged.
According to security sources in Northern Ireland, MI5 failed to inform Special Branch of the threat about the bomb plot.
The details have only just emerged as part of an investigation into an FBI agent who infiltrated the Real IRA, which carried out the attack.
Relatives of some of the 29 people killed in the bombing have said they are astonished by the disclosure.
SDLP leader Mark Durkan said: 'Allowing MI5 to have a lead role in intelligence in Northern Ireland would be like appointing Herod as children's commissioner.'
Michael Gallagher, whose son Aidan, 21, was among those killed, said: 'At best, this is criminal negligence. At worst, it's assisting a terrorist murder plot.'
Three dissident republicans were arrested and later released without charge at the time of the foiled April 1998 bomb plot four-and-a-half months before Omagh was attacked. - rte.ie/
Orde: MI5 did not withhold Omagh intelligence
01/03/2006 - MI5 did not deprive police of any anti-terrorism intelligence during their investigation into the Omagh bomb atrocity, the North's chief constable said today. But Hugh Orde resisted pressure to confirm if the agency held back information months before the Real IRA massacred 29 people. His public refusal could heighten uncertainty over whether the August 1998 outrage could have been prevented, a Northern Ireland Policing Board representative claimed.
The SDLPs Alex Attwood said: "The failure to answer that question will not reassure people. "The truth of the matter is there may have been intelligence prior to the murders that wasn't shared. "We will never know if that might or might not have avoided that awful tragedy."
The allegations that MI5 failed to inform Special Branch of the threat emerged during an investigation into an FBI agent who infiltrated the Real IRA, a dissident republican terrorist organisation opposed to the Good Friday Agreement.
Based on a tip off from American trucking company boss, David Rupert, who was working undercover within the rogue paramilitary grouping, three suspected terrorists were arrested by police in the Republic in April 1998, but released without charge.
Rupert had warned that terrorists based in County Donegal were planning a strike on either Omagh or Derry, but most likely Omagh, security sources had disclosed. At the time police in the North, then known as the RUC, were aware that a planned terrorist organisation had been disrupted due to the MI5s tip off, it has been claimed.
But sources said no trace could be found on their records of any intelligence from the security services that Omagh or Derry had been targeted.
Police only became aware after detectives involved in the Omagh bomb inquiry spoke to Rupert and studied emails the agent had exchanged with his handlers in the FBI and MI5. He had been the central witness in the successful conviction of the Real IRA mastermind, Michael McKevitt, who was jailed for 20 years in 2003 for directing terrorism.
As the allegations ignited fresh controversy over Omagh, Orde faced questioning on the case at a meeting of the Northern Ireland Policing Board in North Belfast today.
Challenged by Mr Attwood to confirm whether MI5 information was passed to police before the bombing, the chief constable insisted he would not stand over the accuracy of some news reports of the allegations.
But he said: "It's the view of the Senior Investigating Officer (Superintendent Norman Baxter) who I spoke to only two hours ago that the security services did not withhold intelligence that was relevant or would have progressed the Omagh inquiry."
Orde also stressed that the dissident republican suspects investigated in April 1998 were from a different cell than those involved in the Omagh bomb plot.
"There's no evidence to link these two units, he said.
He also confirmed that senior officers had met with the Omagh bomb victims' families last week to brief them on the state of the inquiry.
A press report of that meeting drew a "starker conclusion" than what was actually discussed, Orde said.
One man has been accused of murdering 29 people in the Omagh atrocity. South Armagh electrician Sean Hoey, 36, denies any involvement in the attack.
Emphasising the levels of co-operation between his force and the Garda in the Irish Republic, the chief constable added that he was not prepared to go any further in public on the issue. "I will do anything that denies the families their right to a proper prosecution or those accused the right to a fair trial."
Mr Attwood insisted that Orde had not answered the question put to him.
"The chief constable did say that MI5 did share everything in respect of the murder inquiry, but the point of the question was their intelligence prior to the murders," he said.
FBI / MI6 collusion:
| MI5 agent's New York IRA mission
US trip to buy bomb making sensors: claim
By Sean O'Driscoll in New York - 13 March 2006
A British agent who infiltrated the IRA has claimed that his MI5 handlers sent him to New York to buy sophisticated bomb making equipment for the IRA. The agent, who goes by the pseudonym Kevin Fulton, makes his claims in next month's edition of the US current affairs magazine, The Atlantic.
The magazine's reporter, Matthew Teague, said he was satisfied that he was telling the truth after checking some details with the FBI, who approved the operation.
The interview comes just after the Republic's government launched an independent public inquiry into the murder of two RUC officers in 1989, based partially on Fulton's claims that there was collusion between the IRA and at least one rogue garda.
Fulton's name also featured prominently in the public inquiry into the Omagh bombing in 1998, in which 29 people were killed in a Real IRA attack. Fulton claimed at the time that he had met some of the bomb makers as they were preparing the Omagh bomb and had alerted his British intelligence handlers.
In the new interview, which took place in London, Fulton claims that MI5 and the army wanted to keep his cover in the IRA by encouraging him to make more sophisticated and deadly explosives. He said that they arranged for him to travel to New York in 1993 to buy infra-red triggers for bombs and that they arranged for him to stay at the Murray Hill Inn in Manhattan.
The IRA had switched from wire fuses to photo-sensors for use as detonators but discovered that the photo-sensors could be detonated prematurely by bright headlights or the flash from a camera. To keep Fulton's cover, MI5 arranged for Fulton to fly to New York to buy infra-red flashes, which were much safer than regular flashes but could only be purchased in the US.
Fulton claims that an MI5 agent flew by Concorde to New York to arrange the trip and cleared it with US authorities. "This was a terrorist organisation operating in the United States. It was a pretty big thing," Fulton said. Fulton said he came to New York with several thousand dollars and purchased the flashes after meeting his MI5 handlers. "The IRA embraced the innovation, and it worked so well that other terrorist groups soon took notice and adapted the infra-red photo-sensor bomb," The Atlantic article claimed.
Mr Teague said he checked out details at the Murray Hill Inn where Fulton claims to have stayed, and also confirmed some details of the trip with an FBI agent.
"I called the agent and he confirmed his involvement, although he couldn't discuss details or accuracy," he said.
The interview could offer some insight into Fulton's credibility, as his claims of garda collusion are partially the basis for The Smithwick Tribunal into the 1989 murders of Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and Superintendent Robert Buchanan, which opened in Dublin on March 3. - belfasttelegraph.co.uk
MI5 intelligence on Omagh 'only passed on this year'
By Ian Graham [04/04/06]
THE North's chief constable yesterday told the families of those killed in the Omagh bomb that intelligence gathered by MI5 before the attack was only passed to police in the North earlier this year.
Michael Gallagher, whose son was among the 29 people killed by the Real IRA in August 1998, said if the intelligence had been passed on before the attack it might have made a difference. Mr Gallagher and others who lost loved ones in the bombing, together with a number of those injured, spent two hours in heated discussion with the chief constable. It was the first time they had met and Mr Gallagher described the discussions as "very long, at times difficult and sometimes very frank".
Speaking on behalf of the group, Mr Gallagher said: "We talked about the way things had been handled, the intelligence, particularly MI5. He confirmed that it was only earlier this year that the PSNI was aware of that intelligence for the first time. It was important for us to hear it from the chief constable. "That was something outside his control, but nevertheless we believe it could have made a difference and the police in Omagh had a right to know that intelligence so that they could at least have had a chance."
He said many other opportunities had been missed. "It may or may not have had a bearing on the Omagh bomb, but at least it would have raised the state of awareness that there was a bomb attack on its way."
The families left Sir Hugh Orde in no doubt at their dissatisfaction that nearly eight years after the bombing no one had yet been convicted of murder.
So far only south Armagh electrician Sean Hoey, 36, had been charged with killing those slaughtered in the car bombing. He is due to go on trial in September.
The families are planning a civil action against several men they believe to be responsible for the attack.
Mr Gallagher said that once the two cases were completed the families would be pressing for a full cross-border public inquiry. Mr Gallagher said the criminal police investigation must now be coming to the end of its active life and, once it and the cases were over, they wanted the inquiry. They will be pressing the British government to commit to one and local politicians to support them in their call.
Yesterday's meeting went ahead weeks after the families failed in a bid to have talks with the head of MI5, Dame Eliza Manningham-Buller. They had wanted to discuss allegations that the security service withheld intelligence months before the bombing that either Omagh or Derry were possible targets.
Ex-Sinn Fein member who spied for UK found dead
By Paul Hoskins 4th April 2006 DUBLIN/LONDON (Reuters) -
A former member of Irish nationalist party Sinn Fein who spied for Britain was found shot dead on Tuesday, just two days before a fresh bid by London and Dublin to end Northern Ireland's political stalemate.
Police in the Republic of Ireland confirmed they were investigating the discovery of a man in his mid-50s in the northwestern county of Donegal. "The State Pathologist has been contacted and the scene is being preserved pending the arrival of the Garda Technical Team," the police said in a statement.
They did not name the man but a police source confirmed local media reports that it was Denis Donaldson who last year was expelled from Sinn Fein, which wants to end British rule in Northern Ireland, after he admitted spying for London. "I am satisfied that it is who it is reported to be," the source said, adding that it was too early to say whether he had been killed or taken his own life.
The Irish government issued a statement describing it as a "brutal murder." "The matter is now under investigation. We hope that whoever is responsible for this callous act will be brought to justice as soon as possible."
A spokesman for the Northern Ireland office said the British-ruled province's secretary of state, Peter Hain, was "appalled by this barbaric act" but declined to say if that meant he was treating the death as murder rather than suicide.
Donaldson was a convicted Irish Republican Army bomber who spent time in prison with Gerry Adams, now leader of the guerrilla group's political ally Sinn Fein. Donaldson was again arrested in 2002 and accused of spying for Sinn Fein at the Stormont parliament in Belfast but in a dramatic twist he was expelled from the party in December after admitting he had been a mole for the British for two decades.
The IRA took the unusual step of issuing a brief statement: "The IRA had no involvement whatsoever in the death of Denis Donaldson."
The IRA called a ceasefire in 1997 and pledged last July to down arms. An independent watchdog reported in October that the guerrilla group was keeping to its pledge.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair and his Irish counterpart, Bertie Ahern, are both expected in Northern Ireland this week to unveil their latest plan to kick-start the province's mothballed assembly which collapsed in part due to allegations that Donaldson and others had been spying for Sinn Fein.
The Stormont assembly, in which Catholic Nationalist and pro-British Protestant parties on either side of the Northern Ireland's sectarian divide shared power, collapsed three years ago after a police raid on Sinn Fein offices.
(Additional reporting by Michael Smith in Dublin and Adrian Croft in London) - yahoo.com
Spy murder was inevitable says intelligence expert
Wednesday, 5th April 2006, 16:58 - Category: Politics LIFE STYLE EXTRA (UK) -
The murder of Sinn Fein boss-turned-British spy Denis Donaldson was "inevitable", a former Cabinet intelligence analyst said today (Wed). Intelligence expert Crispin Black said Donaldson, who was gunned down in his home in Donegal yesterday (Tuesday), would have been offered a new identity by the British Government but must have refused.
Black branded the 56-year-old spy, who worked for British intelligence for more than 25 years, "naive" for refusing British help and believing a guarantee of safety from Republicans.
He said: "This murder was always going to happen. This is a paying-off of old scores. "There is broad agreement that Mr Donaldson must have been offered some witness protection from the British Government. "It looks as though he refused this kind of help because he had done a deal to 'guarantee' his safety with Sinn Fein/IRA. They would have repeated in private the promises they made in public that he would not be killed. "However, few people who have been caught out as British spies would be naive or silly enough not to take on a new identity. "Mr Donaldson was not in hiding at all, in fact he was easily traced by an Irish journalist. He lived in a cottage in the village of Glenties, Donegal. "This is near to where many of the IRA bosses have homes. It is known locally as the Costa del Provos."
Black said Mr Donaldson would have been likely to lead a relatively "normal" life had he accepted the British Government's help. He said: "The classic witness protection works well. People can lead normal lives. It involves setting someone up with a new identity in a new country, such as New Zealand. You either take your family with or leave everyone you know behind."
The intelligence expert added that leading a double life for so long could have had a destructive effect on Mr Donaldson's mind. He said: "There may have been psychological contortions in his head. He may have refused witness protection because he had a death wish."
A republican hit squad is believed to have killed Mr Donaldson after hacking off his right arm. Black said it would be "pretty impossible" to find Mr Donaldson's killers.
He said: "My guess is that there won't be any paper trail It may have been junior members who think he got off lightly for his 'betrayal'." He said he doubted the murder would have any effect on the Peace Process or that it would prompt the killing of other spies. He said: "I don't think this will derail the Peace Process. This is one of the last signs of terrorism within Sinn Fein/IRA. "They have stopped bombing London and Northern Ireland. This killing is the leftover of a terrorism mindset and more of a blast from the past than a sign of how things are going to be.
A neighbour found Mr Donaldson's body in his cottage, which had no electricity or running water. He had lived there since December when he escaped Belfast after admitting he had been a spy.
Inquiry opens after man shot dead by police in Northern Ireland
By Alan Erwin - Published: 17 April 2006
The driver of a suspected stolen car was shot dead by police in Northern Ireland yesterday. An officer fired several shots as the silver BMW reached a vehicle checkpoint in Ballynahinch, Co Down. Another three men and two women in the car were arrested and taken for questioning. Security sources said the man had been killed while he was seated in the car at about 11.30am, dampening speculation that he may have been shot as he attempted to flee from the area.
The driver was given first aid at the scene but by the time a priest from a nearby Catholic church arrived, he was already dead. The body was later removed after forensic experts had trawled the area for clues.
The BMW is believed to have travelled from Ballykinlar, about 12 miles away, and may have been heading for Belfast. Officers were alerted and set up a checkpoint in Church Street, outside Ballynahinch police station. Several shots were fired at the car but it remains unclear if the driver tried to break through the roadblock.
Jim Wells, a Democratic Unionist MLA for the area, said the officers had little time to weigh up their options. He said: "Police obviously had to make a split-second decision based on the information they had."
But the SDLP's Alex Attwood demanded answers from the police. "The use of lethal fire in the circumstances of this case is highly questionable and it is very hard to determine what level of threat existed," he said. The Northern Ireland Police ombudsman, Nuala O'Loan, yesterday begun an inquiry to establish whether the shooting was necessary to protect lives.
Martin McGuinness a spy?
McGuinness is not a british spy - Sinn Féin
28/05/2006 - 10:47:31
Sinn Féin today rubbished claims by a former British Army intelligence officer that its chief negotiator Martin McGuinness was a British spy.
The allegation, which was carried in a Sunday newspaper, was made by former agent handler Martin Ingram.
Mr Ingram two years ago identified Belfast republican Freddie Scappaticci as the prized British agent Stakeknife, within the IRA - an allegation he denied before fleeing his home in the west of the city.
It also followed the unmasking last year of Sinn Féin's former head of administration at Stormont Denis Donaldson as a spy.
He was gunned down in April at a remote cottage in Glenties, Co Donegal after details of where he was laying low emerged.
A Sinn Féin spokesman today dismissed claims that Mr McGuinness, who admitted in May 2001 in a submission to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry that he was the IRA's second in command in Derry in 1971, worked for MI6 during the 1990's.
He also rejected claims that the allegation against Mr McGuinness was supported by documentary evidence.
"We have heard this all before," a spokesman told PA.
"It is rubbish. It is nonsense."
"Anybody with half a wit will treat it with the contempt it rightly deserves."
SINN FEIN'S TOP SECRET SPY.
John Cassidy May 28, 2006 - The Sunday World. Exclusive.
A British Army whistleblower today names Sinn Fein chief Martin McGuinness as a high-ranking MI6 agent.
And Martin Ingram says McGuinness's MI6 handlers actively encouraged the IRA chief to wage a bloody 'human bomb' campaign in Ulster to provoke a public backlash against the Provos.
Ingram a former agent handler in the shadowy Force Research Unit, says his claim that McGuinness, Sinn Fein's chief negotiator, was a top British mole is supported by documentary evidence.
Freddi Scappaticci was unmasked two years ago as the FRU agent 'Stakeknife' who was a senior figure in the IRA's internal seurity department, known as the 'Nutting Squad'.
The Sunday World has obtained a transcript of a conversation which Ingram confirms is between McGuinness and his MI6 handler. In it, the pair discuss the IRA's 'human bomb' strategy which was an escalation in the republican groups's terror campaign. Acording to Ingram, Martin McGuinness is referred to in the document as 'J118'.
Ingram, told the Sunday World from his secret address outside of Britain, 'Every member of every terrorist organisation is given a number by the intelligence services - FRU, Special Branch, MI5 and MI6.
'In the FRU, we used a P system, Special Branch, MI5 and MI6 had their own system which started with a letter followed by a number.' Ingram says McGuinness's MI6 handler is referred in the transcript as 'G'.
'This is an authentic document. I have checked it with people in the intelligence community who would be knowledgeable on these matters. From the transcript of the conversation, it has been confirmed to me that 'J118' is Martin McGuinness.'
The 'J119' refers to his brother Willie McGuinness, who was a senior member of the IRA in Derry. 'The Murray referred to the transcript as 'B328' is Sean 'Spike' Murray, who at the time was the 'Operations Director' for Northern Command.'
The folowing is the transcript of the conversation which Ingram says was made in the run-up to the start of the 'human bomb' campaign which rocked Northern Ireland in 1990.
J118: As I said, Patsy (SA3) was all for it, Tommy (SA1) was ready to go, he said he would have no problems asking the crew for their support.
G: Do you think there will be any problem with it?
J118: I know our fella (J119) has everyone geared up for it, he (J119) thinks it is his idea.
G: I think you should push this along as quickly as possible.
J118: Murray (B328) is pushing, starting to ask a lot of questions about Belfast Command.
G: Don't worry, we will look after things in that department, you just concentrate on the checkpoints.
G: We must have another meeting next week. In the meantime you can use the number I gave you in updates on the progress of things.
Ingram told the Sunday World;
'The most significant thing for me in this transcript is the fact that McGuinness's handler is the driving force behind the 'human bomb' campaign.
'That quote from 'G' is very significant: 'Don't worry, we will look after things in that department, you just concentrate on the checkpoints.'
He was directly telling McGuinness to forget about 'Spike' Murray who wanted to bring the 'human bomb' campaign to Belfast and couldn't understand why the Belfast command were not following the Derry brigade.
'G' is saying to him, 'just you concentrate on the checkpoints. I don't think MI6 wanted the 'human bomb' campaign going to Belfast. As 'G' says, they wanted the IRA to concentrate on the checkpooints along the border.'
In the first 'human bomb' attack, 42 year old Patsy Gillespie was forced to drive a large explosive device to Coshquin vehicle checkpoint on the border with Donegal.
The bomb was set off while he was still in the driver's seat, killing him and five soldiers from the King's regiment.
The door to the cab was booby-trapped. 'A device was wired to the light inside the cab. Once Patsy opened the door to the truck the device went off.'
Added Ingram: 'If you look at the transcript very closely, McGuinness tells his handler that his brother Willie (J119) thinks the 'human bomb' idea was his idea. 'And from the transcript 'G' was very happy with this idea: 'Well then, there is no one that can point the finger at you'.
'It is a very clear strategy by MI6. They were quite happy to let Willie take the blame for the 'human bomb' strategy so their man Martin would stay out of the spotlight. 'If I had have gone to my boss (Colonel) Gordon Kerr with the 'human bomb' plan he would have told me to get lost. There is no way Gordon Kerr would have gone for the idea, despite what people might think of him. 'But obviously MI6 and the British Government had a different strategy towards the 'human bomb' campaign.
Asked why MI6 and the British Government would kill five British soldiers in a deliberate 'human bomb' campaign, he replied: 'They would see it as a means to an end. They play the long game, not the short game. To them solving the problems in Ireland was a marathon not a sprint.
'I could not have gone to my boss Gordon Kerr to organise the 'human bomb' campaigh. The top brass would not have entertained it.'
Ingram said he had also been suspicious that Martin McGuinness had been an intelligence agent. 'This transcript, which is 100% authentic proves to me that McGuinness was working for MI6.
Another incident that proved to him was his involvement in the murder of Frank Hegarty, a FRU agent, who was also the IRA Northern Command's quartermaster. 'When McGuinness brought Frank back into the IRA, senior republicans went to McGuinness and said Frank was a tout. Within six months of being brought back into the IRA, Frank was promoted to quartermaster of the Northern Command. 'When a large consignment of IRA guns was intercepted and Frank was taken off-side by us, Martin McGuinness went to Frank's home. He got down on one knee and promised Frank's mum Rose that if he came home he would guarantee his safety.
And Frank came home believing he would be safe. He was taken to a meeting and McGuinnesss turned to Freddie Scappaticci and told him to kill Frank.
So when McGuinness was asked by republicans afterwards why did he allow the tout back in, his reply was 'sure didn't we whack him anyway.' He was protecting himself. You have to remember that Martin McGuinness had the power over life and death.'
The murder of Frank Hegarty latter featured in a ITV Cook Report programme in which his tearful mother Rose recounted McGuinness's promise to her.
The RUC later launched a top level investigation into the Cook Reports allegations about Martin McGuinness, codenamed Operation Taurus.
McGuinness has never been convicted in a British court. He has two previous convictions for IRA membership in the Republic of Ireland.
He has been the commander of the IRA in Derry, head of Northern Command and Chief of Staff of the IRA between 1978 and 1982.
'We would have loved to have had Martin on our books at FRU,' said Ingram. 'I remember putting an application into RHSB (Regional Head of Special Branch) to recruit his brother Willie.
'RHSB sent the application back and said, 'No, Willie would have been a great catch.' I don't know if Willie was working for the Branch or not.'
'But I am 100% convinced that his brother Martin McGuinness is an agent, that the document is 100% authentic and I am 100% convinced he was working for MI6,' added Ingram.
McGuinness denies British spy claim
Press Association - Tuesday May 30, 2006 - guardian.co.uk
Sinn Fein MP Martin McGuinness said he was a million per cent certain that no evidence could be produced to support allegations that he was a British spy.
In his first public appearance since the allegations surfaced in the Dublin-based tabloid newspaper Sunday World, the Mid Ulster MP described the claims that he worked for MI6 as "hooey".
The former Stormont Education Minister also accused elements within the Rev Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party of being behind the allegations against him.
Mr McGuinness said after a meeting of his Assembly group: "I am a thousand, I am a million percent confident no one will ever produce anything against me.
"I have worked all of my adult life as an Irish republican.
"Many of my comrades have been killed. Many IRA volunteers have been killed and I, of course, knew many of them as many of you well know.
"Under no circumstances will I ever be concerned about anybody throwing anything up at me which will strike against me.
"It is not even a remote possibility."
The allegations against Mr McGuinness were made by former Army intelligence handler Martin Ingram, who exposed Belfast republican Freddie Scappaticci as the British agent Stakeknife, who operated at the heart of the IRA.
Mr Scappaticci denied the allegations but later fled his west Belfast home.